I wish to begin my statement with words Prime Minister Mosaddegh used in this
Council 59 years ago.
“The Security Council was established so that large and small nations alike might sit
around the same table and cooperate for the maintenance of peace in accordance with the
purposes and principles of the United Nations. The Council cannot perform its great task …
unless big powers respect the principles which it was created to embody.”
Two years later, he was overthrown in a CIA coup.
If this Council falters again, it will be a generational setback for the cause of
multilateralism and the rule of law.
We have all in past years seen how malign U.S. unilateralism has intently assaulted
international cooperation and international institutions. Through its parallel endeavor to
supplant international law with U.S. domestic laws, this has directly undermined global
peace and security.
Regrettably, complacency has enabled and encouraged this recklessness.
Indeed, complacency is a root cause for why we are gathered here today.
Iran and other members of the international community have, since the 8th of May
2018, been witnessing the U.S. Government—a co-sponsor of Security Council Resolution
2231—persistently flouting the Resolution, while also trying to force other States to join it
in violating the very text it put forward itself. More dangerously, and for the first time in
UN history, a permanent member of the Security Council is punishing law-abiding States and private citizens for not violating a Council resolution, which emphasized, and I quote,
“promoting and facilitating the development of normal economic and trade contacts and
cooperation with Iran.”
And yet, not a single Council session has been convened to reprove the U.S.
Government, or to at least investigate its repeated violations. Instead, some European
members of the Council are contemplating further undermining the Resolution and the
Council while further reneging on their own JCPOA commitments.
To cover this up, the U.S. has—with some of its enablers—pressured the Secretariat
to adopt a perverse reading of Resolution 2231—rejected by 3 JCPOA Participants,
2 which is the polar opposite of the clear affirmation by the Security Council “that conclusion of the JCPOA marks a fundamental shift in its consideration of this issue…”
The U.S.—along with its accomplices in war crimes in Yemen—have gone further in
their now-infamous4 campaign of intimidation against international institutions. Most
recently, they coerced the Secretariat to rely on self-serving allegations and forged
documents to produce an utterly unprofessional report outside the scope of its mandate
under UNSCR 2231.5 Not surprisingly, the Secretariat simultaneously absolved the Saudi
coalition of its well-documented child-killing in Yemen.
This status quo is neither acceptable nor sustainable.
The international community in general—and the UN Security Council in
particular—are facing an important decision: Do we maintain respect for the rule of law, or
do we return to the law of the jungle by surrendering to the whims of an outlaw bully?
In spite of our strong and legitimate objections to the historic mistreatment of Iran
by the Security Council—particularly throughout 8 years of aggression by Saddam Hussein,
as well as in the course of the unnecessary nuclear crisis—Iran showed its good faith by
engaging in negotiations to reach a diplomatic solution as called for by all Security Council
Resolutions on the nuclear issue6.
After thirteen years of complex negotiations, in 2015 Iran and the five permanent members of this Council plus Germany signed the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, which is annexed to—and inseparable from—Resolution
2231. Iran clearly stated its positions immediately after the adoption of the Resolution
and again more recently.
Yet, it fulfilled all its commitments in good faith, verified by numerous IAEA reports.
In spite of this great achievement of multilateral diplomacy, the president of the
United States in May 2018 announced his country’s unilateral withdrawal from the JCPOA,
and the unlawful re-imposition of all U.S. sanctions, in material breach of Resolution 2231.
Prior to that, the U.S. had persistently committed multiple cases of “significant non-
performance” of its JCPOA obligations. It is important to note that even the previous U.S.
Administration made every effort to minimize the positive impact of its sanction lifting
obligations under the JCPOA and Resolution 2231.
This has all been documented in my numerous letters to the JCPOA Joint
Commission Coordinator and the UN Secretary-General9 all of which, unfortunately, have been ignored by the European JCPOA Participants.
Following the U.S. withdrawal from the JCPOA, the UN Secretary General10, the
remaining JCPOA participants11 and many other members of the international community
called on Iran to address its concerns through the mechanisms established in the JCPOA
and to allow the remaining JCPOA participants to redress the unlawful withdrawal.
The European JCPOA Participants requested Iran to wait for only a few weeks to
allow them to compensate for the losses Iran incurred as a result of re-imposed U.S.
While expressly reserving Iran’s immediate right12 under Paragraph 26,13 I initiated
the Dispute Resolution Mechanism under Paragraph 36 of the JCPOA on 10 May 201814
However, acting in good faith, we refrained from applying the ‘remedy’ in order to enable
the remaining JCPOA participants to make good on their promises. For a full year, we
continued full implementation of the JCPOA. I trust you are all aware of the 15 consecutive
IAEA reports which verified Iran’s full compliance with its JCPOA commitments.15
Unfortunately, the E3 response to our “strategic patience” was not a long overdue
assertion of European “strategic autonomy”. Rather it was over-compliance with the U.S.’
“maximum pressure” targeting all Iranians.
On 6 November 2018, I made a final call on the Coordinator and the remaining
JCPOA Participants under paragraph 36 of the JCPOA. “The United States has now re-imposed with full effect all sanctions specified in the JCPOA and its Annex II, and as
elaborated above, no remedial measure has been implemented by the remaining JCPOA
Participants. Most have effectively joined the restrictive measures against Iran…Either
EU/E3+2—who have repeatedly underlined the security and strategic ramifications of
JCPOA—should ensure Iran’s legitimate benefits by fulfilling their commitments made in
their statements of 6 July and 24 September 201816 in real and practical terms without further delay, or Iran will have no option but to restore a semblance of balance –as ‘the remedy that the participants contemplated if the dispute mechanism did not resolve the issue’… In view of the above, I formally call for the convening of another ministerial
meeting of the Joint Commission.”
No meeting was convened and none of the European JCPOA Participants even
bothered to write a rebuttal for another 6 months. Having repeatedly exhausted the
Dispute Resolution Mechanism to absolutely no avail, my Government was left with no
recourse but to exercise its rights under Paragraphs 26 and 36 of the JCPOA to apply
remedial action and cease performing its commitments in part on 8 May 2019.
In spite of all this, our remedial measures have until now had no impact on the
IAEA’s monitoring and verification of our peaceful nuclear program, thereby making any
proliferation risks irrelevant. Indeed, Iran’s peaceful nuclear program remains subject to
the “most robust” inspection regime in history. From 2016 through 2019, over 92 percent
of the Agency’s total comparable global inspections were carried out in Iran.18
Even the recent controversial report by the Director General of the IAEA on 5 June
2020 states that “The Agency continues to verify the non-diversion of declared nuclear
material at the nuclear facilities and locations outside facilities where nuclear material is
customarily used (LOFs) declared by Iran under its Safeguards Agreement”
Having said that, the Agency must resist external pressures to manipulate its
agenda. The litany of forged documents at its doorstep have a stated objective of forever
killing the JCPOA, thereby ending the Agency’s robust monitoring of current activities in Iran. Resuscitating 17-year-old allegations with no proliferation risk—which were investigated and permanently closed by the IAEA Board of Governors in 201520—will certainly not serve the Agency.
Matters which are extraneous to the JCPOA by mutual agreement—such as Iran’s
defensive capabilities and regional policies—are being maliciously raised by the U.S.
Administration and parroted by a handful of its allies and clients.21
Here, it must be underlined that the bargain made in the JCPOA was in total
cognizance of our disagreement with the Western members of the P5+1 over certain
issues. Do not be deceived: we mutually agreed not to address these issues; most
importantly because the United States was not prepared to—or probably even capable
of—addressing our grave concerns over its unfathomable level of arms sales and build-up
in our neighborhood22, as well as its malign behavior and constant interventions, which
have left our region in ruins.
The United States has carried out numerous acts of armed aggression against Iran23
and its neighbors; invaded our neighbors 3 times in the last 3 decades24; milked the region
of its resources through destabilizing arms sales25; systematically supported terrorists26
and provided material support for crimes against humanity in Yemen27. The peoples of our
region have had enough of the malign U.S. presence, and demand its termination.28 The
bitter irony here is that most Americans also want their troops returned home, where they
This very regime absurdly accuses Iran of “meddling” in its own region. Yes. Of
course. We want to partner with all our neighbors to create a strong region that precludes
the emergence of hegemonic aspirations, by any power—regional or global. A strong
region that requires homegrown political and territorial stability. And a strong region for
which all neighbors need to exercise strategic self-restraint. It was to this end that, the
President of the Islamic Republic of Iran put forward the Hormuz Peace Endeavor—HOPE.
And we can do it. Without U.S. meddling some 6000 miles away from its shores.
The International Court of Justice clearly underlined in its 1971 advisory opinion on
Namibia, and I quote, “One of the fundamental principles governing international
relationship thus established is that a party which disowns or does not fulfil its own
obligations cannot be recognized as retaining the rights which it claims to derive from the
After officially and explicitly ceasing its participation in the JCPOA at the highest
level30, and having violated each and every one of its obligations under the JCPOA and
Resolution 2231, the U.S. cannot arrogate to itself any right under that Resolution. Nor can
its enablers try to save its face via so-called middle-ground formulas.
The timetable for the removal of arms restrictions embodied in Resolution 2231 is
an inseparable part of the hard-won compromise enabling the JCPOA Participants to finally
agree on the overall package of the JCPOA and Resolution 2231. The resolution explicitly
urges its “full implementation on the timetable”. Any attempt to change or amend the
agreed timetable is thus tantamount to undermining Resolution 2231 in its entirety.31 The
Council must not allow a single State to abuse the process.
As specified in the letter of the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the
leaders of remaining JCPOA participants on 8 May 2019, any new restriction by the Security
Council is against the fundamental commitments made to the Iranian people. In such a
scenario, Iran’s options, as already notified to the remaining JCPOA participants, will be
firm. And the United States and any entity which may assist it —or acquiesce in its illegal
behavior—will bear full responsibility.
The unlawful U.S. unilateral withdrawal from the JCPOA and the re-imposition of its
sanctions32 entail the U.S. responsibility under the UNSCR 2231, UN Charter and applicable
international law. The United States has also disregarded the decision of the International
Court of Justice33
It’s long overdue for the international community, and in particular this Council, to
hold U.S. Government accountable for the consequences of its wrongful acts—including its
malicious endeavors to wage economic terrorism on the entire Iranian nation, willfully
deprive them of food and medicine34, and irreparably harm their economy and their standard of living. The United States must fully compensate the Iranian people for all damages it has inflicted upon them—appallingly, for no reason other than to satisfy domestic constituencies and personal aggrandizement.
While the Islamic Republic of Iran has shown—in words and deeds—our desire and
preference for constructive engagement, we do not depend on others for our security,
stability or prosperity. We have learned to solely depend on ourselves. That is why more
than 40 years of U.S. pressure—whether through demonization or war, sanctions or
terror—including the cowardly assassination of our region’s counter-terrorism hero,
General Qassem Soleimani—has failed to “bring Iranians to their knees” or affect our
people’s decision-making calculus.
For my final words, let me again borrow from Prime Minister Mossadegh’s speech
before the Security Council in 1951: “The Council will not have failed to note the cogency
of our arguments to the law. Yet, this is not a legal body, but primarily a political body
charged with the highest political responsibilities. It will readily understand therefore, that
we will not be coerced whether by foreign governments or by international authorities.”
Thank you, Mr. President.